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Villages in Mali like Kirchamba, Syn and Chirfiga may be
embracing the new ideas and techniques needed to survive
in modern Mali. Nevertheless, life here still moves in ancient,
tradition-bound rhythms. The feudal systems of the ancient
African empires of the Mandinka and the Songhai have long
since passed, but their legacy lives on in the curious hierarchy
of caste, ethnicity and profession, faithfully observed
by even the smallest community.
Just
ask Aisso Oumar dite Niaboyro, a member of the CARE-supported
Kirchamba's Women's Association and a 25-year-old "living
library."
Niaboyro
is a griot -- a keeper of the oral tradition of a noble
family. Members of an ancient servant-class that also
includes metal-smiths and serfs, griots typically serve
high-caste families in their village and live in a unique,
symbiotic relationship. It is the griot who memorizes
the history and myths of her patron's lineage; most can
recite the entire history of a family to ancient times.
Older griots pass on this history to their children, who
grow up to become their patron family's next oral historian.
It is in part the curious role of the griot in maintaining
Mali's strong oral traditions that prompted the Malian
writer Amadou Hampaté Ba to say, "When an
old person dies, a library burns."
The
Syn blacksmith Bagi Kontao 85, is a member of the same
servant-class as Niaboyro, and proud of the tradition
that binds him, irrevocably, to his profession.
"Blacksmiths,
weavers, carpenters: you learn only by tradition,"
he says, blinking blearily behind thick spectacles. Around
him two generations of sons and grandsons hammer red-hot
metal into nails that will be used to build fishing boats.
"It's
an obligation, a family heritage, to do what your father
has done. If my son doesn't become a blacksmith, he won't
be able to get a wife! He'll have to leave the village!"
Most
curious of all are the "serfs" who still serve
the noble families that have employed and protected their
ancestors for centuries. Agali Aberi , 60, is a self-described
"peasant" and "servant" to the village
chief in Chirfiga.
"I am proud to yield my hoe, to be a peasant,"
says Aberi, flipping his hoe in the air and catching it
as it falls. Dressed in flowing robes, a blue cloth wrapped
around his head to protect his mouth and nose from dust,
he has spent the morning working in the rice fields of
his "master." Aberi does not question the arrangement.
His family has worked for another "since ancient
times."
Servitude
is a remnant of the ancient feudal system established
by successive Malian empires. More a symbiotic relationship
of workers to a powerful and protective master, servants
such as Aberi are proud of their position and their family's
history of service. Indeed, Aberi is typical in that he
can recite a family myth about an ancestor "so tough
no sword could penetrate him. The only thing that could
kill him was the needle of a thorn tree."
Caste
is not the only distinguishing feature of Malian society.
Ethnicity and profession are still strongly tied to this
country's ancient past. Mama Traoré , a local weaver
from Syn, is a case in point.
"From
ancient times we did not know the industrial life,"
he says, holding the skeins of his weavers threads by
his toes as his hands dart in and out, creating colorful
patterns on the cloth. "It's all original, the work
I do."
Traoré
is a weaver in the hot season, the downtime when rice
farmers wait for the next planting season to begin. But
his role is more formal than that. Weavers, like most
every other role in Malian society, are artisans whose
profession is tightly circumscribed by caste and heredity.
Women might spin their own thread, but they must bring
it to a professional weaver to have it made into clothe.
And professional weavers almost always gain their designation
via heredity. If your father was a weaver, chances are
you will be too, as will your children.
"We
are the inheritors of our parents," Traoré
explains.
Heredity
and caste explain the reason so many men of the Bozo tribe,
such as Djenné boat-builder Almoudsin Tanapo ,
are fishermen and boat-builders. The Bozo people are found
all along the banks of the Niger River; and although Mali's
poverty has driven others to its banks, fishing is still
considered their traditional provenance. It is an example
of ethnic typecasting: Bozos are fishermen, Fulani are
herders of livestock, Bambara are farmers, and so on.
But the distinctions, in a society as anthropologically
rich as Mali, go deeper.
Nama Troufo , 40, is a potter in Syn. She sits in her
mud and brick house busily spinning a large cooking pot
she hopes to sell to her neighbors. Since CARE has come
to her village to help
rice farmers, she is hopeful that her income will increase.
"If
people have more money [from rice], they will buy a lot
of pottery from me," she says.
Pottery
is a good side-business during the farming down-season,
but it is also her traditional role. As the wife of a
blacksmith, it is customary for her to take up the craft.
Such
strange and wonderful traditions are found across Malian
society. Bozo women, for example, cannot fish from boats.
Only Bozo men can use boats. Custom dictates that Bozo
women fish from the river's banks, using specially designed
baskets. Bella tribesmen are the traditional servants
of the Tuareg. Blacksmiths cannot marry Fulani women,
nor Dogon people marry Bozo. The list of these curious
social separations of tribe, of profession and of caste
go on and on, and are rooted in ancient, feudal systems
that were thought to guarantee the smooth running of society.
They form the rich layers of complexity that make Mali
such a fascinating place. Another is the extraordinary
long memory of Malians themselves.
"Before,
we worked for the king," says Bagi Kontao, the blacksmith.
"In the old days, when our people went to fight,
the blacksmiths made swords. My ancestors were so famous
that Mansa Moussa (the 13th century king) passed by this
village on the way back from his pilgrimage to Mecca to
commission a sword."
All
along the river, we heard similar tales. "My ancestor
refused to take his shoes off in front of the Fulani Emperor,"
says Alohamone Ibrahim Sangho 57, a griot in the village
of Katoua and a member of the Fulani ethnic group. "He
said to the Emperor: 'I am Fulani. My father was Fulani.
You are Fulani. We are the same. Why should I take my
shoes for you?'"
Such
tales draw upon a history preserved through the amber
of oral tradition. Even today, this tradition is so strong
that an illiterate farmer in the most remote regions of
the country can tell you the name of a 13th century Malian
king. And although some traditions are fading, the intense
pride Malians have for their rich history may explain
the nation's collective conviction that they are one noble
and indivisible people.
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